How to Surpass the Middle-Income Trap
Politics / Social Issues Jan 30, 2018 - 05:08 AM GMTBy: Dan_Steinbock
	 
	
   China  will surpass the middle-income trap by continuing to implement structural  reforms and focusing on economic development. The lesson to other emerging  economies is to distinguish good growth policies from self-serving agendas in  the advanced West.
China  will surpass the middle-income trap by continuing to implement structural  reforms and focusing on economic development. The lesson to other emerging  economies is to distinguish good growth policies from self-serving agendas in  the advanced West. 
According to the World  Bank, high-income economies ($12,236 or more) include the US, Western Europe  and Japan, while upper middle-income economies ($3,956 -$12,235) feature  Turkey, Russia, Brazil and China, among others.
 
In the past, many countries have attained moderate living standards, yet failed to graduate to the next level. China entered the ranks of the “upper-middle-income” countries in the early 2010s. But can the country avoid the middle-income trap?
Overcoming  the middle-income trap 
  China has great  potential to overcome the middle-income trap. First of all, its  world-historical growth record speaks for itself. 
  Second, the rebalancing  of the economy from exports and investment to consumption and innovation is  proceeding according to the expected trajectory. 
  Third, new growth  targets indicate that policymakers are well attuned to the need to move from  simple growth to higher-quality development.  Also, the deleveraging has slowed credit growth  and will significantly lower local government debt in the late 2010s, which  will ensure higher-quality growth. 
  Finally, the huge size  of China’s population disguises regional progress. In relatively wealthier  megacities, including Shanghai, Shenzhen and Beijing, the middle-income trap may  already have been surpassed.
  What makes Chinese  progress so impressive is that, unlike other major economies, China is  executing structural reforms, which has proven so difficult in other countries. 
America is so polarized  that some policymakers prefer a government shutdown to a credible, bipartisan  medium-term debt-cutting plan. In the Eurozone, the sovereign debt crisis has  caused huge dislocations and a cyclical recovery alone is not enough to resolve  the structural crisis. In Japan, half a decade of massive monetary injections  has not achieved adequate inflation.
Economic development is the priority
  In the 19th  National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CPC), President Xi Jinping  stressed that “development is the foundation and key to addressing all  problems.” China’s medium-term policies must cope with these challenges in the  “new normal” of the international environment, even as the country’s “uneven  and inadequate development” is at odds with “people’s ever-growing demand for  better life.”
  Achieving these  objectives requires less uneven coverage of pension and health care insurance  nationwide; basic public services; rejuvenation of rural areas through land and  fiscal reforms; appropriate scaling of farming operations; increased spending  on high school education and vocational training; more affordable housing; and  extended rural land leases.
  In China, economic  reforms are central to the rebalancing, which could lift another 70 million  people from poverty by 2020, just as it is turning the mainland into the  leading actor in global efforts to combat climate change through innovation.
Not all Western lessons work in emerging world
  To avoid the  middle-income trap, the ability to distinguish between appropriate policies and  misguided prescriptions is pressing for several reasons. First, there are the  historical lessons. 
  It took advanced  economies decades, even centuries, to advance from low income to high income  economies. Yet, today many of them demand that emerging economies should do the  same in a matter of years. In Latin America, such policies cost “lost decades”  not so long ago.
  Second, there is the  matter of size. Advanced economies like to tout the success of British or  American industrialization as a blueprint to emerging countries. Yet, when  Britain and the US began industrialization, the former had barely 30 million  people and the latter around 40 million (about the same as in Shanghai and  Guangzhou alone). Laissez-faire doctrines fare particularly poorly in emerging  economies, which are larger by magnitudes. 
  At the regional level, some  areas of China’s wealthier coastal megacities have already graduated into the  high-income category, but national economy is still amid the transition. So the  real question is not to compare China with industrializing Britain or the US,  but to ask, “How long has it taken for Europe to industrialize, from the first  industrial centers in the UK to rural Romania?”   In the latter, more than 25 percent of people are still employed in  agriculture. 
  If, after two centuries,  industrialization is still not completed in peripheral Europe (in which  population remains only half of that in the mainland), why is China expected to  complete it in three decades? 
  Third, there is the  issue of wealth. Advanced economies were pretty prosperous even before they  industrialized, thanks - not to democracies and free markets but - to imperial  regimes that grew wealthy on the back of infant-industry protection and  protectionism, brutal colonialism, or both. In the mid-19th century  Britain and late 19th century America, per capita incomes were at  the level that Russia first reached in the 1950s,  Brazil around 1960, China in the early 1990s  and India just a decade ago.
  The trick to avoid the  middle-income trap is to avoid those development doctrines that reflect  self-interested doctrines in the advanced world. The real task is to  concentrate on economic development that supports progressive increases in  living standards of ordinary people in emerging economies.
Dr Steinbock is the founder of the Difference Group and has served as the research director at the India, China, and America Institute (USA) and a visiting fellow at the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (China) and the EU Center (Singapore). For more information, see http://www.differencegroup.net/
© 2018 Copyright Dan Steinbock - All Rights Reserved
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