Who Will Be the Next Fed Chief - And Why It Matters
Interest-Rates / US Federal Reserve Bank Oct 16, 2017 - 12:56 PM GMTBy: Dan_Steinbock
	 
	
 Janet  Yellen's term is ending at the Federal Reserve. With new appointments,  President Trump can indirectly shape US monetary policy for years to come - for  better or worse.
Janet  Yellen's term is ending at the Federal Reserve. With new appointments,  President Trump can indirectly shape US monetary policy for years to come - for  better or worse.  
Serving as the “epitome of calm,” Fed chief Ben Bernanke responded to the  global financial crisis by cutting the federal funds rate to zero and  initiating rounds of quantitative easing (QE) soon thereafter.
 
When Janet Yellen replaced Bernanke in 2014, U.S. economy had begun the exit from zero-interest-policy-rates (ZIRP) but not balance sheet normalization.
As Yellen’s term will end on February 2018, President Trump will soon select the next Fed chief and several new members of the Fed Board. Consequently, Trump will indirectly shape U.S. monetary policies for years to come.
Not surprisingly, Trump has been assisted by Vice President Mike Pence, who has met with outside advisers – including Heritage Foundation economist Steve Moore, conservative economist Larry Kudlow and former President Ronald Reagan economic adviser Art Laffer – to assess the criteria for the next Fed leader.
Trump’s current shortlist features half a dozen viable candidates. In line with his “America First” approach, Trump is likely to ignore the international implications of the next Fed chief. Nor has he any interest in the Phillips curve that has influenced Yellen’s monetary stance.
Instead, Trump is likely to choose a candidate that will not prove too independent and who will prioritize Main Street, not Wall Street – and one that will support his proposed fiscal expansion.
Monetary hawks
  The Fed  has a dual mandate to maintain stable prices and full employment. Monetary “hawks”  tend to stress prices at the expense of jobs, whereas “doves” tend to focus on jobs  at the expense of prices. 
  Both  Yellen and Bernanke are academic experts of the Great Depression. As a Keynesian  economist and monetary dove, Yellen has been cautious with the pace of  normalization. The Fed shortlist features several Wall Street insiders who have  been seen as frontrunners. Such assessments underestimate Trump’s suspicions  about Wall Street. 
  Kevin  Warsh is a “hard money hawk” with close ties to Wall Street. Married with the  $2 billion heiress Jane Lauder, his father-in-law is Ronald Lauder, a longtime  friend of Trump. After serving as Morgan Stanley’s M&A executive, Warsh was  President Bush’s director of the National Economic Council. At just 35 years  old, he became the youngest appointment in the Fed.
  Like  Greenspan, Warsh is an ultimate free-market advocate. In 2007, less than a year  before the rescue of Bear Stearns, he argued that financial innovation made the  system safer. During and after the 2008 crisis, Warsh served as a governor of  the Fed and its primary liaison to Wall Street. As US economy fell into  deflation, he kept predicting that inflation would rise. 
  More  recently, Trump met Stanford’s John B. Taylor, an accomplished academic of  monetary economics. Taylor believes that the global crisis was caused by flawed  macroeconomic policies in the U.S. and elsewhere. Under Alan Greenspan, the Fed  created "monetary excesses." Interest rates were kept too low for too  long, which led to the housing boom.
  Unlike  Bernanke and Yellen, Taylor has long cautioned the Fed should move away from  quantitative easing measures and opt for a more stable monetary policy. If  Warsh is a monetary hawk, Taylor is a monetary conservative.
Gary Cohn  is Trump’s Director of the National Economic Council and his chief economic  advisor. Unlike Warsh and Powell, Cohn is a registered Democrat. As former  president and COO of Goldman Sachs, he is considered aggressive and arrogant.  But unlike his rivals, he supports reinstating the Glass-Steagall legislation,  which would separate commercial and investment banking. 
Monetary doves
  After law  school, Fed governor Jerome Powell worked as an associate for an investment  bank and private equity giant Carlyle Group. He served as an assistant  secretary and undersecretary of the Treasury under President George H. W. Bush.
  Unlike his  rivals, Powell is not a PhD-trained economist, but his grasp of monetary  economics is highly regarded. He has solid Republican credentials and is seen  to represent institutional continuity. He is believed to be Treasury Secretary  Steven Mnuchin’s preferred candidate and Trump’s current favorite. Unlike Warsh  or Taylor, Powell believes in a more dovish monetary stance. 
  Trump  could also opt for the incumbent Fed chief Janet Yellen. While in the past he  has criticized some of Yellen’s actions and her Democratic legacies, he has  also announced that he is a “low interest rate person” like Yellen.
  Yellen  continues to believe in the modern Phillips curve, which sees an inverse  relationship between unemployment and inflation. Historically, a short-run  tradeoff between unemployment and inflation reflected the postwar Keynesian era  when rates climbed from 2% in the 1950s peaking at 20% in early 80s. In the  past three decades, rates have shrunk to zero, however. 
In light  of the Phillips curve, decreased unemployment should go hand in hand with  higher rates of inflation. Since unemployment rate is only 4.2%; that should translate  to rising inflation. Yet, that has not been the case. Job growth is no longer  accompanied with wage growth.
Fiscal expansion vs Fed’s normalization
  In his Crippled America (2015), Trump argued  that “our airports, bridges, water tunnels, power grids, rail systems; our  nation's entire infrastructure is crumbling, and we aren't doing anything about  it." As a result, fiscal expansion – a $1 trillion dollar infrastructure  plan – is a central tenet of the Trump agenda. 
  To raise capital, Trump  has hoped to create an infrastructure fund supported by government bonds,  similar to “Build America Bonds.”
  When Trump first  developed his infrastructure plan, interest rates were close to zero. But as  the Fed is normalizing - about to hike up the rates and exiting from  quantitative easing – the plan will be a lot more expensive to execute.
  "If we raise  interest rates and if the dollar starts getting too strong, we're going to have  some major problems,” Trump warned already in summer 2016. That is now the  reality. He can no longer rely on the Fed to ease and thus to monetize the debt  issuance. Conversely, aggressive infrastructure modernization could slow rate  increases, or keep them lower. 
Moreover, the Fed’s rate  hikes tend to strengthen the dollar, while Trump’s debt tsunami would weaken  it. Despite the rhetoric of normalization and strong dollar, Trump needs low  rates and weak dollar, while the Fed is raising rates and boosting the dollar. 
The role of equities and bond yields
  Trump cannot mitigate  the realities of normalization, but he can slow its pace by selecting a  monetary dove. In this view, neither Warsh nor Taylor will do. The former would  make Trump’s fiscal expansion prohibitively costly; the latter’s penchant for  conservative stability would undermine infrastructure debt-taking. 
  That leaves Cohn, Powell  and Yellen. However, Cohn and Yellen are Democrats, Powell is not.
  After a September  report that Trump had met with Warsh, stocks fell slightly before recovering,  while Treasury bonds saw a significant sell-off and yields rose. It was  foretaste of the kind of yield pricing that would undermine Trump’s fiscal  expansion. 
From the  White House’s standpoint, a monetary hawk would hurt equities while boosting  bond yields. In this view, the appointment of Powell – or even Yellen – would  mean continuity, support equities while keeping bond yields low (Figure). 

  
  That would  be in line with Trump’s fiscal plans.
Dr Steinbock is the founder of the Difference Group and has served as the research director at the India, China, and America Institute (USA) and a visiting fellow at the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (China) and the EU Center (Singapore). For more information, see http://www.differencegroup.net/
© 2017 Copyright Dan Steinbock - All Rights Reserved
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