How Trump Tariffs Could Double America’s Trade Losses
Economics / Protectionism Sep 13, 2018 - 03:09 PM GMTBy: Dan_Steinbock
	 
	
   Trump tariffs  are based on flawed doctrines, which could penalize the US as much as its trade  deficits.
 Trump tariffs  are based on flawed doctrines, which could penalize the US as much as its trade  deficits. 
Last Friday, President  Trump threatened to impose tariffs on $267 billion in Chinese goods, on top of  the additional $200 billion that he said will likely be hit with import taxes  in a matter of days. 
If the tariff stakes will  increase up to $500 billion, it could penalize Chinese GDP by 1%, but the US  GDP, which is relatively more vulnerable, would suffer a net impact of 2% of  GDP. In dollar terms, the consequent tariff damage could prove even higher than  the current U.S. trade deficit with China and thus double the damage. 
 
The Trump administration‘s trade doctrine makes little sense in the 21st century.
“Made in China” does not capture  value-added 
  In the pre-1914 era and during the  protectionist interwar period, global integration plunged. As major  corporations competed largely in home markets, their value activities were  mainly domestic. Following World War II, the US-led Bretton Woods system  ensured a greater degree of internationalization – including systemic US trade  deficits since 1971, decades before deficits with China.
  Meanwhile, US multinational companies have  cut costs through offshoring as large chunks of productive capacity has been  transferred to emerging markets since the 1980s, especially in Asia. So today  the “eco-systems” of US multinationals are increasingly global. 
  Here’s Trump’s dilemma in a nutshell: While  tariff wars were typical to the era of domestic competition a century ago, they  do not work in a more global era. Even “made in China” products feature diverse  value-added inputs by multinational companies producing in, exporting from and  selling in China. 
  Since iPhone alone accounts for some $16  billion of the U.S. trade deficit with China, let’s use it as an example. According  to data (IHS Markit and Reuters), the initial sale price of Apple’s iPhone X  (64BG) was $999. The Trump administration’s tariffs are based on the idea that  since this smart phone is made in China, all value-added is captured in China  and thus it must be penalized by heavy tariffs. 
  The breakdown of the iPhone X costs comprises  both manufacturing costs ($378.25) and value shared between distributors and  Apple ($620.75), which accounts for almost two-thirds of total costs. Another fourth of the  total consists of various components made in South Korea, Japan, the US, UK,  Switzerland, and Singapore. 
China’s key contribution is in the basic manufacturing  costs ($8) plus battery packs ($6), which is less than 4 percent of the  manufacturing cost and 1.4 percent of  the total cost of iPhone X (Figure).
Figure iPhone X (64GB): Breakdown of Full Costs

Black =            Value shared between distributors and Apple  
  Green =           Modules made in several advanced economies  
  Red =              Basic  manufacturing, battery packs in China
  White =            Information not available
Source: Calculations based on data from IHS Markit and Reuters
Is the iPhoneX an exception? Hardly. Before  the fall of Nokia, Europe captured 51% of the value-added of the Nokia N95  smartphone, even when it was “Made in China,” because the final assembly (read:  China) involved 2% of the overall value-added. 
  Obviously, the share of Chinese value-added differs  by industries and companies, yet it tends be very low in the case of  multinational companies operating in China. The same goes for such companies  operating in India or other emerging markets. 
That's precisely why  the government seeks China’s rapid transition from exports and investment toward  innovation and consumption. After all, like Apple and Nokia, Chinese industry  giants – from Huawei and Xiaomi to Oppo and Vivo – capture far more of the  value-added in China. As Vice Premier Liu He has urged, China must  innovate if it wants to be a world leader in science and technology. 
America’s true dilemma
  There is one critical difference, however.  Through taxation, Nokia’s success benefited Finnish taxpayers and its European  investors. In contrast, Apple’s success does not necessarily accrue to American  taxpayers because many US multinationals, unlike their European counterparts  rely on creative tax accounting or tax havens.  
  Theoretically, Apple should be the largest  taxpayer in the world and pay $38 billion to the US Treasury in taxes brought  home from overseas and “create” 20,000 new jobs. But as Fortune has reported, that’s all spin. 
  Reportedly, Apple plans to collect  a huge windfall from the GOP’s corporate tax handout. Currently it holds about  $252 billion - more than 90% of its total cash - in profits offshore, where it  can avoid paying US taxes.
  Before  Trump’s tax code overhaul, Apple would have paid $79 billion in taxes if it had  brought the money home. But it didn’t. Instead, it let the cash sit offshore  for years. So its offshore profits will be taxed at a one-time, 15.5%  repatriation rate. All other corporate profits will be taxed at 21% (down from  a previous rate of 35%). 
  In the  postwar era, the old adage was “What’s good for General Motors is good for  America.” What Apple and many other US multinationals are doing today may not  be illegal, but it is part of a broader problem associated with America’s  decline.
  Here’s the  bottom line: Chinese share of 2%+ of the value-added pie is not the problem.  Trump’s tariffs are a misguided solution to a wrong problem. 
The real  question is why US companies’  lucrative profits yield so few benefits to ordinary Americans but great  benefits to few corporate insiders.
The author is the founder of Difference Group and has served at the India, China and America Institute (USA) the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (China) and the EU Center (Singapore).
The original version was published by China Daily on September 12, 2018
Dr Steinbock is the founder of the Difference Group and has served as the research director at the India, China, and America Institute (USA) and a visiting fellow at the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (China) and the EU Center (Singapore). For more information, see http://www.differencegroup.net/
© 2018 Copyright Dan Steinbock - All Rights Reserved
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